With the Republican-run U.S. House setting a Dec. 6 date to vote on fast track legislation, labor is increasing its lobbying against the measure.
But as workers and their allies campaign against fast track both in Washington and from the grass roots, they face several handicaps. They include congressional concentration on the recession, the nation's focus on the battle against terrorism, and the Bush administration's attempt to wrap "fast track" in a patriotic theme.
The campaign against fast track also faces the cash available to big business and, as one labor lobbyist notes, the power of the Oval Office over undecided lawmakers.
Fast track, which President Bush renamed "trade promotion authority," would give him license to negotiate trade treaties without labor or environmental standards.
He could then submit legislation implementing them--but not the trade pacts themselves--to Congress for up-or-down votes. And fast track bans lawmakers from attaching amend-ments or conditions to the trade treaties or legislation.
Another NAFTA
Bush and his business backers want fast track so he can negotiate a NAFTA-like Free Trade Area of Americas, extending that controversial U.S.-Mexico-Canada treaty to the entire Western Hemisphere, except Cuba. NAFTA has cost 756,000 U.S. jobs and FTAA would produce more of the same.
Labor lobbyists are making that point to lawmakers. "Like NAFTA, there is nothing in there (fast track) for labor," says Pete Strader, legislative director for PACE. "In everything like this that has passed before, we haven't seen anything that helps us.
"And we're arguing we don't want to give any more power, especially legislative power, to the executive branch," he said.
In Washington, union legislative representatives meet twice or three times a week to plot strategy and decide which lawmakers to visit. Approximately 50 U.S. House members are viewed as swing votes on the issue.
But the AFL-CIO and unions are also gearing up grass-roots phoning, telegrams and e-mail, according to both federation spokeswoman Lane Windham and union lobbyists.
"We're continuing to let our folks know who the targets are" to call and e-mail, says UAW Legislative Director Alan Reuther. "Fast track is the top priority our folks are focusing on," he adds.
The Steel Workers are activating their response teams from Pittsburgh to produce grass roots pressure against fast track, and the top aide to PACE's president is using her "Womens Network" of female union activists, along with an alert posted on PACE's website. And the AFL-CIO reports workers take cell phones into work sites to let their colleagues call Congress, toll-free, about fast track, at 1-800-393-1082.
Business spending millions
Business is mounting a multi-million-dollar lobbying blitz for fast track, and reminding lawmakers of the power of its campaign cash. Bush's U.S. trade representative, Robert Zoellick, casts fast track as a matter of patriotism.
Zoellick argues the U.S. must show the terrorists who attacked on September 11 that we are not deterred from "normal" routines and legislation. And to him, fast track is "normal."
Bush will use the Oval Office, Strader warns, to sway undecided lawmakers. "When it comes to the undecideds, like everything else, if they've got their hand out and the ad-ministration feeds them, you know what happens," he says.
The Democrats, at least, aren't listening, reports Vincent Panvini of the Sheet Metal Workers. "They aren't buying the (administration's) jobs argument this time," unlike in NAFTA, he says.
Labor's lobbyists are also using political arguments with swing-vote Democrats from Silicon Valley and the South, Panvini explains. "They know that if they want to take back the Congress next year, this isn't the time to hand the president a win" and anger workers, he comments.
As for the GOP, "I'm glad they're pushing fast track," Panvini says. Along with the slumping economy and rising joblessness, "It's another thing we can hang around their neck next year."
Mark Gruenberg is a writer for Press Associates, Inc., news service. Used by permission.
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With the Republican-run U.S. House setting a Dec. 6 date to vote on fast track legislation, labor is increasing its lobbying against the measure.
But as workers and their allies campaign against fast track both in Washington and from the grass roots, they face several handicaps. They include congressional concentration on the recession, the nation’s focus on the battle against terrorism, and the Bush administration’s attempt to wrap “fast track” in a patriotic theme.
The campaign against fast track also faces the cash available to big business and, as one labor lobbyist notes, the power of the Oval Office over undecided lawmakers.
Fast track, which President Bush renamed “trade promotion authority,” would give him license to negotiate trade treaties without labor or environmental standards.
He could then submit legislation implementing them–but not the trade pacts themselves–to Congress for up-or-down votes. And fast track bans lawmakers from attaching amend-ments or conditions to the trade treaties or legislation.
Another NAFTA
Bush and his business backers want fast track so he can negotiate a NAFTA-like Free Trade Area of Americas, extending that controversial U.S.-Mexico-Canada treaty to the entire Western Hemisphere, except Cuba. NAFTA has cost 756,000 U.S. jobs and FTAA would produce more of the same.
Labor lobbyists are making that point to lawmakers. “Like NAFTA, there is nothing in there (fast track) for labor,” says Pete Strader, legislative director for PACE. “In everything like this that has passed before, we haven’t seen anything that helps us.
“And we’re arguing we don’t want to give any more power, especially legislative power, to the executive branch,” he said.
In Washington, union legislative representatives meet twice or three times a week to plot strategy and decide which lawmakers to visit. Approximately 50 U.S. House members are viewed as swing votes on the issue.
But the AFL-CIO and unions are also gearing up grass-roots phoning, telegrams and e-mail, according to both federation spokeswoman Lane Windham and union lobbyists.
“We’re continuing to let our folks know who the targets are” to call and e-mail, says UAW Legislative Director Alan Reuther. “Fast track is the top priority our folks are focusing on,” he adds.
The Steel Workers are activating their response teams from Pittsburgh to produce grass roots pressure against fast track, and the top aide to PACE’s president is using her “Womens Network” of female union activists, along with an alert posted on PACE’s website. And the AFL-CIO reports workers take cell phones into work sites to let their colleagues call Congress, toll-free, about fast track, at 1-800-393-1082.
Business spending millions
Business is mounting a multi-million-dollar lobbying blitz for fast track, and reminding lawmakers of the power of its campaign cash. Bush’s U.S. trade representative, Robert Zoellick, casts fast track as a matter of patriotism.
Zoellick argues the U.S. must show the terrorists who attacked on September 11 that we are not deterred from “normal” routines and legislation. And to him, fast track is “normal.”
Bush will use the Oval Office, Strader warns, to sway undecided lawmakers. “When it comes to the undecideds, like everything else, if they’ve got their hand out and the ad-ministration feeds them, you know what happens,” he says.
The Democrats, at least, aren’t listening, reports Vincent Panvini of the Sheet Metal Workers. “They aren’t buying the (administration’s) jobs argument this time,” unlike in NAFTA, he says.
Labor’s lobbyists are also using political arguments with swing-vote Democrats from Silicon Valley and the South, Panvini explains. “They know that if they want to take back the Congress next year, this isn’t the time to hand the president a win” and anger workers, he comments.
As for the GOP, “I’m glad they’re pushing fast track,” Panvini says. Along with the slumping economy and rising joblessness, “It’s another thing we can hang around their neck next year.”
Mark Gruenberg is a writer for Press Associates, Inc., news service. Used by permission.