Triangle Fire commemoration draws parallels with today

Speakers, including Sally Greenberg of the National Consumers League, Mine Workers President Cecil Roberts and workers who suffered exploitation or have seen family members die, used the March 21 meeting to urge mass action to restore workers’ rights to collectively bargain and to toughen and enforce job safety and health laws.

The session honored the centennial of the March 25, 1911, fire, at the clothing maker – one of hundreds in lower Manhattan – that employed young, mostly Jewish and Italian immigrant women. Almost half were under 20. Triangle even had children in a “kindergarten” snipping thread, speakers said.

Triangle was located on the top three floors of the Asch Building on Greene Street. It was actually one of the “better” sweatshops in the city – thanks to a citywide strike by 20,000 female garment workers 18 months before – but it wasn’t unionized.

When the blaze began, there was one exit. Triangle’s two owners deliberately padlocked it from the outside to prevent theft. There was flammable debris – cuttings and scraps – everywhere and the workers were allowed to smoke. The fire escapes were flimsy and ended far above street level. Stairwells quickly filled with smoke and flames. The elevator stalled, though one woman slid down its cable.

Fire department ladders couldn’t reach those top floors. The 18-minute blaze left workers with two alternatives: Burn to death — or jump. Some burned. Most jumped.

Speakers said such horrifying working conditions still exist, in the U.S. and worldwide. They cited such disasters as a 1991 poultry plant fire in Hamlet, N.C. – the doors were locked, again – the Texas City, Texas BP oil refinery blast in 2005 (15 dead, 180 injured), last year’s Gulf of Mexico disaster (11 died) and the Upper Big Branch coal mine explosion in West Virginia (29). Bangladesh was the international example.

The exploiters are the same, they said: Firms that put profits ahead of people. The predominant victims of such disasters are, still, those who the most defenseless: The young, women, minorities and, importantly, non-unionized. They’re unprotected.

And they said workers and their allies must seize a present teachable moment – the Right Wing campaign to obliterate workers’ rights – to both re-energize the labor movement and to enlist allies and the general public. “Pay attention to the parallels between 1911 and today. Our call to action is really a manifesto,” Greenberg said.

Speakers explained how activists used the Triangle Fire and its aftermath, including acquittal of the company owners of manslaughter charges, both to grow unions – in particular the pioneering International Ladies Garment Workers – and to campaign successfully for reforms to health and safety laws, fire code improvement and enforcement and institution of workers comp.

Frances Perkins, a witness to the fire and then a social worker employed by the Consumers League, used its lessons to help draft and push through New Deal pro-labor legislation when she became Labor Secretary under FDR, biographer Kristin Downey said. “We’re continuing to deal with the same kinds of issues,” Downey added.

“We leave things to the market and this” – Triangle and subsequent workplace disasters – “is as good as it gets,” said University of Maryland history professor Robyn Muncy. “The market can’t be allowed to determine all the conditions under which people work,” added Georgetown University labor history professor Joe McCartin. “There needs to be a public interest.”

NCL and others will campaign for the same agenda: Updating, strengthening and enforcing job and mine safety laws, preserving and enhancing minimum wage and anti-child-labor laws, bringing farm workers under child labor laws, saving worker protection programs from Right Wing budget raids, and upholding the right of collective bargaining.

Mark Gruenberg writes for Press Associates, Inc., news service. Used by permission.

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